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From Washington to Gaza: Decoding Two Major Debates in Arabic Media | Media Arabic Booster 04/25
Two vastly different fronts in today’s news: We examine the global economic shockwaves of a US trade war and the deeply personal, regional politics of the Gaza border as seen through the eyes of a Palestinian writer.
From the highest levels of international economic policy to the intricate regional dynamics of the Middle East, the global stage is shaped by complex narratives. In this edition of the Media Arabic Booster, we tackle two major stories dominating the headlines.
First, we delve into the Arabic media’s coverage of Donald Trump’s ongoing trade war, analyzing the language used to describe its global impact. We then shift focus to a vital regional issue, examining a Palestinian writer’s incisive commentary on the critical relationship between Egypt and Gaza.
This dual analysis provides the vocabulary and context to understand both global power plays and their regional consequences.
Media Arabic Booster: 04/25 Show
A close look at a headline
al-Masry al-Youm: US president Trump and Tariffs
On April 2, 2025, US president Donald Trump announced sweeping tariffs during a ceremony at the White House Rose Garden, dubbing the day “Liberation Day”.
He imposed a universal 10% tariff on imports effective April 5, with additional country-specific rates starting April 9. Arab countries faced varying impacts, with Jordan hit hardest at 20%, while others like Saudi Arabia and Egypt saw a 10% tariff, raising concerns over billions in affected exports. Since then, share prices have been on a rollercoaster ride.
The Egyptian daily newspaper al-Masry al-Youm (المصري اليوم) ran a front-page story on Trump and his tariffs in its April 4, 2025, edition.
Let’s focus on the headline:
«إتاوة ترامب»
“Trump’s Levy” or “Trump’s Tribute” or “Trump’s Fee”
وزير الاستثمار لـ«المصرى اليوم»: ندرس التأثير.. الغرف العربية: قد تتأثر قناة السويس.. و«المصدرين»: سيكلف الأمريكيين
Minister of Investment to al-Masry al-Youm: We are studying the impact… Arab Chambers: The Suez Canal may be affected… And ‘the Exporters’: It will cost the Americans
In fact, almost every Arab newspaper featured Donald Trump’ announcement on the front page:
- Al Youm Al Sabea (اليوم السابع): Trump’s tariffs ignite a global trade war (رسوم ترامب الجمركية تشعل حربا تجارية كونية)
- al-Jarida (الجريدة): Trump’s tariffs shock the global economy (رسوم ترامب تصدم الاقتصاد العالمي)
- Al Shorouk (الشروق): The world is on the brink of a full-scale trade war (العالم على حافة حرب تجارية شاملة)
- Asharq al-Awsat (الشرق الأوسط): Tariff quake pushes global economy into a dangerous path/difficult situation (زلزال الرسوم» يدخل الاقتصاد العالمي في نفق)
“Tariff” in Arabic: official and common terms
If you would like to know more about how to say customs in Arabic and what the special word إِتَاوَةٌ means, you will find it here.
Let us first clarify two similar English terms:
- Tariff (تَعْرِيفةٌ): A tax or duty imposed on imported or exported goods to regulate trade, protect industries, or generate revenue.
- Customs (ٌجُمْرُك pl: جَمارِكُ): Government authorities overseeing border control, enforcing trade laws, and levying duties on imports and exports.
In Arabic, too, there are several ways of expressing the idea and concept of tariffs in an economic sense. Let us start with the word إتاوة used in the headline of al-Masry al-Youm.
- The Arabic noun إِتَاوَةٌ, plural أَتَاوَى, is an old word and already listed in Lane’s Lexicon.
- إِتَاوَةٌ refers to a payment, such as a tax, levy, tribute, or charge. However, the word carries a strong negative connotation and should be used with care.
- It typically implies that the payment is considered unfair, arbitrary, exploitative, illegitimate, or taken by force against the payer’s will. It can also specifically mean a bribe.
- Due to this inherent criticism, إِتَاوَةٌ is most often employed in political or critical contexts to express strong disapproval. Using the term frames the charge not as a standard fee but as an unjust imposition.
- For example, the newspaper headline إتاوة ترامب (Trump’s Levy/Tribute) uses the word precisely this way. It characterizes a policy (such as tariffs or required payments) not as legitimate government action, but as an arbitrary and potentially unfair demand by a powerful entity.
- Historically, إتاوة can refer to actual tributes paid between rulers, states, or occupying powers. It is also used when discussing old forms of land tenancy, where a share إتاوة was given to the owner, though more specific terms might exist.
For more neutral and official terms related to tariffs, consider the following:
- ضَرِيبَةُ اِسْتِيرادِ (import tax): Specifically refers to taxes on imports. This term is clear and widely understood in economic and trade contexts. Use it when specifying that the tax applies only to imported goods.
- تَعْرِيفَةٌ جُمْرُكِيَّةٌ (customs tariff/schedule): The official tariff schedule/system. Use this term when referring specifically to the structured list of rates imposed on goods crossing international borders (imports or exports). It is the most precise and formal term in legal, governmental, economic, and trade contexts.
- رُسُومٌ جُمْرُكِيَّةٌ (customs duties/fees): The most commonly used term for actual customs duties or fees paid. This term is widely used in everyday language, news, and business when discussing the charges incurred due to customs regulations. While technically distinct from تعريفة جمركية, it is often used interchangeably to mean tariffs or customs charges.
- ضَرِيبَةٌ جُمْرُكِيَّةٌ (customs tax): Similar to رسوم جمركية, but emphasizing the tax aspect. It refers to the tax levied by customs authorities and is commonly understood in trade discussions.
If you want to dive deeper into the topic, take a look at this article.
The Ironic Arabic Origin of Donald Trump’s Favorite Word: ‘Tariff’
The word "tariff" has a rich linguistic history, coming from the Arabic root ع-ر-ف. Over the centuries, it evolved through Persian, Turkish, and Latin before becoming the English term we use today.
Translation of an article
Let’s look at parts of a longer newspaper article in Arabic. We will translate each sentence carefully. The highlighted words are in the vocabulary list below.
al-Quds al-Arabi: Egypt and the regime’s “No to displacement” campaign
On 10 April 2025, the Qatari-owned and London-based daily newspaper al-Quds al-Arabi (القدس العربي) published an opinion piece by Suhail Kiwan (سهيل كيوان), a prominent Palestinian writer.
This text criticizes the Egyptian regime’s response to the situation in Gaza (غزة), arguing that state-organized “No to Displacement” protests (لا لِلتَّهْجِيرِ) are primarily a tool to manage domestic anger and distract from the ongoing “genocidal war” (حَرْبُ الْإِبادةِ).
The author contends that this slogan(لا لِلتَّهْجِيرِ) is meaningless under siege and bombardment. He accuses the Egyptian regime of hypocrisy, hindering aid, suppressing genuine solidarity, and diverting focus from the urgent need to stop the violence.
Suheil Kiwan (سهيل كيوان) is a Palestinian writer, novelist, and journalist.
- Born in 1956 in Majd al-Krum (مجد الكروم) in al-Jalil al-Gharbi – Western Galilee – (الجَلِيلُ الغَرْبِيُّ), he is a Palestinian citizen of Israel whose life experiences deeply inform his work. The region Western Galilee is located in the northern part of historical Palestine and includes towns and villages such as Acre (عكا), Majd al-Krum (مجد الكروم), and Tarshiha (ترشيحا).
- His output spans multiple genres, including novels, short stories, plays, insightful articles, and children’s literature, offering a multifaceted perspective on the Palestinian narrative.
- Kiwan’s writing frequently explores themes of Palestinian identity, resilience, displacement, and the complexities of daily life within Israel, often employing sharp social commentary and satire to convey his insights.
- He is a regular contributor to leading Arab newspapers and platforms such as Al-Quds Al-Arabi (القدس العربي), Al-Ittihad (الاتحاد), Al-Jadid (الجديد), and Arab 48 (عرب 48).
Good to know: The term “Arab 48” (عرب ٤٨) refers to Palestinian Arabs whose families were rooted in the region before or during the Nakba (النكبة) – the 1948 catastrophe marked by widespread displacement and dispossession during the creation of Israel.
On the news website Arab48.com, this label specifically designates those Palestinian Arabs who remained in the territory that became Israel, emphasizing their deep indigenous connection to the land and directly challenging narratives that ignore their continuous presence.
Note: The Arabic article is quite long. We will skip the first few paragraphs where the author discusses the Egyptian regime’s state-organized “No to displacement” protests – used to present Abdel Fattah el-Sisi (عبد الفتاح السيسي) as a “leader” and “hero” – in contrast to the regime’s history of banning and arresting genuine pro-Gaza protests.
Let’s now take a closer look at a few complete paragraphs.
Section 1
سادت شعارات «لا للتّهجير»، و«من يحاول أن يمسَّ تراب مصر سوف ندوسه» و»لن نفرّط بحبّةٍ من رمال سيناء»، ووصل آلاف من المصريين إلى الجدار العازل في منطقة معبر رفح، وهتفوا لا للتهجير، وكلّنا وراء سيادة الرئيس عبد الفتاح السيسي.
Slogans such as “No to Displacement,” “Whoever tries to touch Egypt’s soil, we will crush him”, and “We will not relinquish a single grain of Sinai’s sand” prevailed. Thousands of Egyptians reached the separation barrier in the Rafah crossing area and chanted “No to displacement” and “We are all behind His Excellency President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi.”
نجحت السلطات المصرية إلى حد ما في تنفيس مساحات واسعة من الاحتقان والغضب الشّعبي، من خلال الإعلان عن إصرارها على رفض التهجير، لكنها في الوقت ذاته نجحت في إزاحة المشهد الكارثي في قطاع غزّة من حرب الإبادة وجرائم الحرب إلى شعار «لا للتهجير» و»لا ذرة من تراب سيناء».
The Egyptian authorities succeeded, to some extent, in defusing widespread popular tension and anger by announcing their insistence on rejecting displacement. At the same time, however, they also succeeded in shifting the focus away from the catastrophic situation in the Gaza Strip – the war of genocide and war crimes – towards the slogans “No to Displacement” and “Not an iota [a grain] of Sinai’s soil.”
Egypt’s regional role in 2025
Egypt has been plagued by severe economic crises and poverty for years. The Gaza war has fueled a surge of sentiment in the country, but it is being suppressed by the regime’s brutal methods.
However, Egypt must not alienate Western countries, as Egypt desperately needs foreign funding.
- Macron’s visit to Egypt: France and Egypt affirmed their agreement on a framework for resolving the Gaza conflict based on international law, rejecting Palestinian displacement, and opposing annexation. France also expressed continued support for Egypt in talks with the IMF and European Commission.
- Trump-Sisi phone call: The Saudi-owned Asharq al-Awsat reported on April 2 (full article) about a phone call between US President Trump and Egyptian President Sisi, occurring amidst differing views on the Gaza war. Experts viewed the call as a US effort to ease tensions. The discussion covered Gaza, bilateral relations, and Red Sea security, but revealed divergent priorities: the US focused on military action against the Houthis, while Egypt emphasized stopping the Gaza war as key to regional de-escalation.
The brevity of official statements suggested no clear agreement was reached on Gaza’s cessation of hostilities or reconstruction, although Egypt reaffirmed its stance against displacement and for a two-state solution. - Accreditation of ambassadors between Egypt, Israel deferred: The Qatari-owned Al-Araby al-Jadeed reported on March 26 (full article) that Egypt deferred the accreditation of the new Israeli ambassador, Ori Rothman, during a ceremony for other envoys; similarly, the appointment of a new Egyptian ambassador to Tel Aviv remained pending.
Diplomatic sources linked this to the ongoing Gaza war, Israeli violations of a brokered ceasefire, and insistence on displacement plans. The sources stressed this was a “sovereign stance with political and symbolic implications” reflecting Egypt’s “deep disgruntlement” with perceived Israeli “procrastination” and lack of cooperation in negotiations, rather than a formal downgrade of relations. - Egyptian frustration with MBC: An article in the London-based Al-Arab daily on March 24 (full article) interpreted recent Egyptian criticism (including from President Sisi) of media and drama content, seemingly directed at the Saudi-owned MBC Egypt channel, as a manifestation of “hushed political anger” between Cairo and Riyadh. Egypt’s authoritarian leader Sisi publicly criticized some Ramadan television dramas expressing concern that certain content was not in line with Egyptian societal values and negatively affected public taste, and urged producers to focus on content that promotes positive ethics and national identity rather than just “tragedy, comedy, or empty content”.
The report suggests that due to the vital nature of the bilateral relationship, disagreements on regional issues are expressed implicitly through the cultural and media sphere, using it as a barometer for political tensions. The involvement of MBC-affiliated journalists in defending the channel was seen as possibly directed counter-messaging from Riyadh.
Section 2
«لا للتّهجير» هو الشّعار الممتاز والأرقى الذي يتقدّم على جميع الشعارات عندما يكون التّهجير فكرة تطرح للنقاش، ومن غير عنف ومجازر لفرض الفكرة، عندما يكون اقتراحا يناقَش في برلمان ما، ويجري استفتاء الشعب المُقترح تهجيره من غير ضغوط، واستفتاء الشعوب، التي سوف تستقبل هؤلاء المهجّرين، «هل أنت موافق على الهجرة من وطنك إلى دولة أخرى أم البقاء في وطنك». مثل سؤال استفتاء الدول الأوروبية، هل تريد البقاء ضمن الاتحاد الأوروبي أم تؤيّد الانفصال عنها؟
“No to Displacement” is the excellent and most sublime slogan, taking precedence over all others, when displacement is merely an idea proposed for discussion – without violence or massacres to impose the idea. [This applies] when it is a proposal debated in some parliament, and referendums are conducted without pressure: one for the people whose displacement is proposed, and another for the peoples who would receive these displaced individuals. [The question might be akin to asking:] “Do you agree to emigrate from your homeland to another country, or to remain in your homeland?” – similar to the referendum question in European countries: “Do you want to remain within the European Union, or do you support separating from it?”
حينئذ إذا رُفع شعار «لا للتهجير» تكون له قيمته المعنوية والفعلية. أما شعار «لا للتهجير» تحت ضغط الحصار والتجويع والترحيل الداخلي، مرّة تلو مرّة وتحت وابل من القنابل العملاقة، وتجريف المساكن والطرق، وإحراق الناس في المخيمات وتطاير الجثث على ارتفاع عشرات الأمتار، ودفن المسعفين مع سيارات الإسعاف، ثم الزعم السادي الحقير، بأنّهم يريدون هجرة اختيارية للناس من قطاع غزّة، فهذا يصبح تجاهلا واحتيالا على الحقيقة التي تجري على أرض الواقع…
In that case, if the slogan “No to Displacement” is raised, it holds both moral and actual value. However, raising the slogan “No to Displacement” under the pressure of siege, starvation, and internal displacement time after time; under a barrage of giant bombs; amid the bulldozing of homes and roads, the burning of people in camps, bodies being flung tens of meters into the air, and paramedics being buried with their ambulances; followed by the sadistic and despicable claim that they desire ‘voluntary migration’ for the people from the Gaza Strip – this becomes a denial of and deception regarding the reality unfolding on the ground…
Section 3
شهدت مدن كثيرة حول العالم مسيرات ضد الإبادة ورفعت صور الأطفال الشّهداء، وتجسيدات للضحايا، وليس فقط يوم الإثنين الأخير، بل في أيام وأسابيع وأشهر سابقة، بينما اعتقل في مصر من حاولوا الاحتجاج على حرب الإبادة منذ بداياتها، وتمكّن النظام من فرض قبضته ومنَع التظاهرات التي كان يُفترض أن تظهر في ميادين مصر ليس ببضع مئات، بل بمئات آلاف البشر الرافضين للحصار والحرب، فالمدن في أوروبا وأمريكا الجنوبية والشمالية وكندا وفي الشرق الأقصى وفي افريقيا وغيرها ليست أولى من القاهرة والإسكندرية والعريش بالتّظاهر بمئات الآلاف ضد الإبادة.
Many cities around the world witnessed marches against genocide, raising images of martyred children and depictions of victims. This was not only seen last Monday, but also in previous days, weeks, and months. Meanwhile in Egypt, those who tried to protest the genocidal war were arrested since its beginning. The regime managed to tighten its grip and prevent demonstrations that should have filled Egypt’s squares, not with a few hundred people, but with hundreds of thousands who oppose the siege and the war. Indeed, cities in Europe, South and North America, Canada, the Far East, Africa, and elsewhere are not better suited than Cairo, Alexandria, or Arish to host protests by the hundreds of thousands against genocide.
كان بإمكان النظام نفسه تنظيم مظاهرات شعبية من ملايين الناس ضد الإبادة، وهو ما ظهر في ميادين دول عربية أخرى بصورة منظّمة ومُبهرة مثل المغرب واليمن، وكذلك بتفاوت بين مدينة وأخرى في دول عربية أخرى، خصوصا بعد الصّلاة في أيام الجمعة.
The regime itself could have organized mass public demonstrations of millions of people against genocide, as was seen in an organized and impressive manner in other Arab countries such as Morocco and Yemen, and to varying degrees between cities in other Arab nations, especially after Friday prayers…
صرّح وضرب الطاولة بقبضته بعضُ إعلاميي النظام في مصر، صرخوا بأنّ مصر لا تريد أن تحارب مكان أحد، ويلاحظ أن هنالك ردودا منظّمة مما يسمى الذباب الإلكتروني بشعارات مثل «يا أخي أنت روح حارب». «ليه عايزين مصر تحارب عن غيرها». «لماذا تريدون من مصر أن تحارب حروبكم. أين كنتم عندما حاربت مصر لوحدها؟» «نحن ملتزمون باتفاقات كامب ديفيد، ونحن دولة عريقة نحترم الاتفاقات».
Some of the regime’s media figures in Egypt declared – banging their fists on the table – shouting that Egypt does not want to fight on anyone’s behalf (in anyone’s place). And there were also organized responses from social bots [“electronic flies”] using slogans such as: “You go fight yourself, brother,” or “Why do you want Egypt to fight for others?”, “Why do you want Egypt to fight your wars?”, “Where were you when Egypt fought alone?”, “We are committed to the Camp David Accords, and we are an ancient nation (a nation with a long history; a noble state] that respects agreements.”
About the Arabic term ذُبابٌ إلكترونِيٌّ – “Electronic Flies”
The Arabic term ذُبابٌ إلكترونِيٌّ literally means “electronic flies”. Think of them as online swarms of fake accounts – could be bots, could be real people hiding – whose main job is to buzz around social media pushing a specific agenda, spreading propaganda, and trying to shout down anyone who disagrees.
Why flies? The name probably stuck because, like the insect, these accounts are super annoying, they show up in huge numbers (swarms), and they spread negativity or “digital dirt“.
The actual term “electronic flies” likely caught on widely around 2016-2017, often linked to Saudi Arabia. It’s believed pro-government groups there used these tactics to polish the state’s image and go after critics online. Targets frequently included:
- Critical journalists like Jamal Khashoggi (جمال خاشقجي); he later was brutally killed in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in the year 2018.
- Activists inside and outside the country, including prominent women’s rights figures like Loujain al-Hathloul (لجين الهذلول)
- Ordinary citizens posting critical tweets
- Rival states like Qatar (قطر) and Iran (إيران)
But the tactic itself is older. For instance, it really ramped up in Egypt back in 2013 after the military removed President Morsi. During that intense political conflict, reliable reports show both sides – supporters of the military-backed government and supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood (جَماعةُ الْإِخْوانِ الْمُسْلِمِينَ) – heavily used these online networks to push their narratives, attack opponents, and try to sway public opinion. The military itself was actively involved in using social media for its messaging.
These “flies” spam hashtags, flood comment sections with noise or abuse, harass people, and spread fake news. Ultimately, they pollute online conversations, make it harder to know what’s real, and contribute to making social media a more hostile place.
Section 4
سبق لبعض هؤلاء الإعلاميين أن اتهموا الفلسطينيين ببيع أراضيهم للحركة الصهيونية، وأن هؤلاء البائعين يطلبون من مصر أن تحارب لإعادة أراضيهم. على فكرة هؤلاء مستعدون للعودة إلى هذه الأسطوانة الصهيونية في مناسبات مقبلة، حسب حاجة النظام.
Some of these media figures have previously accused the Palestinians of selling their lands to the Zionist Movement, claiming that these sellers were now asking Egypt to fight to restore/regain these lands. Incidentally, these figures are ready to return to this old Zionist narrative on future occasions, depending on the regime’s needs.
لم يتِح النظام في مصر لشعب مصر أكبر دولة عربية، أكثر من مئة وخمسة ملايين، التعبير عن مشاعرهم الحقيقية لوقف حرب الإبادة، بل إنّه أسهم في إزاحة الانتباه عن الحصار والإبادة، من خلال الصمت على منع دخول المساعدات الإنسانية، وكأنّ المواد الغذائية حمولات إسمنت وبلاستيك ومواد بناء، يمكن للناس الاستغناء عنها لسنوات، وإعلان عجزه عن إدخالها وتبادل الاتهامات بينه وبين الاحتلال عن مسؤولية إغلاق المعابر.
The regime in Egypt did not allow the people of Egypt, the largest Arab country with over 105 million people, to express their true feelings to stop the genocidal war. Instead, it contributed to diverting attention away from the siege and genocide through silence on preventing the entry of humanitarian aid – as if food supplies were shipments of cement, plastic, and building materials that people can do without for years – and by declaring its inability to bring aid in, while exchanging blame with the occupation over responsibility for the closure of the crossings.
«مصر مش حتحارب» هو شعار ديماغوجي يحاول تصوير أن هنالك من يريد توريط مصر في حرب ضد إسرائيل وأمريكا، كي يدمّر جيشها واقتصادها، بل إنّ بعضهم صرّح بأنّ ما قامت به حماس في أكتوبر 2023 هو مخطّط لتهجير أهالي القطاع إلى سيناء وتوريط مصر في الحرب للقضاء على جيشها العظيم وضرب اقتصادها. يرافق هذا الادعاء التّلويح للمصريين بالجوع وتذكيرهم بعدد الولادات الجديدة كل بضعة أيام، والفوضى التي قد تحصل كما حصل في دول عربية أخرى في حال زعزعة النظام، ثم تصوير الحصول على قروض جديدة من دول مانحة كإنجازات عظيمة يجب عدم التفريط بها.
The slogan “Egypt will not fight” is demagogic, attempting to portray that there are those who want to embroil Egypt in a war against Israel and America in order to destroy its army and economy. Indeed, some of them have even stated that what Hamas did in October 2023 was a scheme aimed at displacing the people of the Gaza Strip to Sinai and embroiling Egypt in the war to eliminate its great army and strike its economy. Accompanying this claim is the brandishing of [the threat of] hunger at Egyptians, reminding them of the number of new births every few days, and the chaos that might occur – as happened in other Arab countries – if the regime is destabilized. This is followed by portraying the acquisition of new loans from donor countries as great achievements that must not be squandered.
تصريحات عبد الفتاح السّيسي منذ بداية حرب الإبادة خلال لقائه بالمستشار الألماني أولف شولتس في شرم الشيخ في 18 أكتوبر 2023، حملت موافقة ضمنية لما جرى ويجري، حيث أعلن أنه «بإمكان نتنياهو نقل السّكان الفلسطينيين إلى النقب ثم إعادتهم إذا شاء بعد تصفية المقاومة والجماعات المسلّحة»، إضافة لهذا تظهر بين حين وآخر تصريحات للسّيسي ولوزير خارجيته عن ضرورة وقف الحرب والعودة إلى المسار التفاوضي، لأن استمرار الحرب قد يؤدي إلى عدم الاستقرار في المنطقة، ثم الحديث عن دولة فلسطينية على حدود الرابع من حزيران/يونيو عام 67 وعاصمتها القدس!
Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s statements since the beginning of the war of genocide, particularly during his meeting with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz in Sharm El Sheikh on October 18, 2023, carried implicit approval for what happened and is happening. He declared then that “Netanyahu could move the Palestinian population to the Negev and then return them, if he wishes, after eliminating the resistance and the armed groups.” In addition to this, statements appear from time to time by Sisi and his foreign minister about the necessity of stopping the war and returning to the negotiation track, arguing that the continuation of the war could lead to instability in the region. This is then followed by talk of a Palestinian state on the June 4th, 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital!
قدس إيه يا عم؟ إذا كنتم تعترفون بأنفسكم بعجزكم عن إدخال الماء والدواء والخيام والطّحين لأنّ السّلطات الإسرائيلية أغلقت المعبر، وتطالبون العالم بأن يعمل جهوداً لإدخال المساعدات الإنسانية، فعن أيّ قدسٍ تتحدّثون! الحقيقة أن شعار الدّولة الفلسطينية وحدود الرابع من يونيو وعاصمتها القدس، صار واحدا من شعارات الإزاحة عن ضرورة عمل حقيقي لوقف الإبادة والتهجير، وهي شعارات تمنح المزيد من الوقت لنتنياهو وعصابته لتنفيذ ما يحلمون به ويمارسونه.
What Jerusalem, man? (قدس إيه يا عم؟) If you yourselves admit your inability to get water, medicine, tents, and flour through because the Israeli authorities closed the crossing, and you call upon the world to make efforts to get humanitarian aid in, then what Jerusalem are you talking about! The truth is that the slogan of “a Palestinian state on the June 4th borders with Jerusalem as its capital” has become one of the slogans used for diversion from the necessity of real action to stop the genocide and displacement. They are slogans that grant more time to Netanyahu and his gang [or: cronies] to implement what they dream of and are currently practicing.
لم يطلب أحدٌ من مصر أو غيرها أن تحارب، وليس من حقِّ أحدٍ أن يطالب بهذا، وهذه ليست سوى جعجعة من أبواق النظام لتبرير التخاذل والتواطؤ على ما يجري.. لو كان النظام صادقا لأتاح لشعب مصر أن يعبّر من خلال مظاهرات مليونية عن رفض الإبادة، والتركيز أوّلا على وقف الحرب وإدخال المساعدات الإنسانية، قبل الحديث عن أي شيء آخر.
No one has asked Egypt or anyone else to fight, nor does anyone have the right to make such a request. This is mere nonsense by the regime’s mouthpieces to justify inaction and complicity with what is happening. Had the regime been sincere, it would have allowed the Egyptian people to express, through million-strong demonstrations, their stance rejecting the genocide, and would have focused first and foremost on ending the war and getting humanitarian aid in – before talking about anything else.
Vocabulary list
If you are unfamiliar with the verb system used in the Hans Wehr dictionary (Roman numerals, I-X), click here for a short and simplified overview.
Part 1: Analysis of a headline
The following vocabulary list covers the yellow-marked words we saw in the headlines.
| ARABIC | EXPLANATION |
|---|---|
| إِتاوَةٌ pl: أَتاوَى | royalty, fee, levy, tribute, (protection) money. Often used for fees paid for passage or use (like a canal toll), sometimes with a negative connotation of extortion or protection money. For example: Shipping companies pay fees/tolls for using the canal (تَدْفَعُ شَرِكاتُ الشَّحْنِ إِتاواتٍ لِاسْتِخْدامِ الْقَناةِ). Demanding protection money (طَلَبُ الْإِتاوَةِ). |
| اِسْتِثْمارٌ pl: اِسْتِثْماراتٌ | investment. This is the verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the X-verb اِسْتَثْمَرَ – يَسْتَثْمِرُ (to invest, to exploit, to utilize). Root: ث-م-ر (fruit, yield, result). For example: Foreign investment plays a crucial role (يَلْعَبُ الْاِسْتِثْمارُ الْأَجْنَبِيُّ دَوْرًا حاسِمًا). Investment promotion agency (هَيْئَةُ تَشْجِيعِ الْاِسْتِثْمارِ). Attracting investments (جَذْبُ الْاِسْتِثْماراتِ). |
| غُرْفَةٌ pl: غُرَفٌ or غُرُفاتٌ | room, chamber. Can also refer to an official body or association, like a Chamber (of Commerce, Industry, etc.). For example: The Chamber of Commerce issued a statement (أَصْدَرَتْ غُرْفَةُ التِّجارَةِ بَيانًا). Federation of Egyptian Chambers of Commerce (اِتِّحادُ الْغُرَفِ التِّجارِيَّةِ الْمِصْرِيَّةِ). Hotel room (غُرْفَةُ فُنْدُقٍ). |
| تَأَثَّرَ – يَتَأَثَّرُ | to be affected, to be influenced (by = بِ). V-verb. This is the reflexive/passive counterpart of the II-verb أَثَّرَ – يُؤَثِّرُ (to affect, influence). The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) is تَأَثُّرٌ (emotion; being affected, sensitivity). For example: Global markets are affected by the decision (تَتَأَثَّرُ الْأَسْواقُ الْعالَمِيَّةُ بِالْقَرارِ). He was deeply affected by the scene (تَأَثَّرَ بِشِدَّةٍ بِالْمَشْهَدِ). |
| قَناةٌ pl: قَنَواتٌ / أَقْنِيةٌ | canal, channel. (قَنَواتٌ is common for canals and TV channels). For example: The Suez Canal is a vital waterway (قَناةُ السُّوَيْسِ مَمَرٌّ مائِيٌّ حَيَوِيٌّ). News channel (قَناةٌ إِخْبارِيَّةٌ). Satellite channel (قَناةٌ فَضائِيّةٌ). Watch out: Strait of Hormuz (مَضِيقُ هُرْمُز), between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. In general, the word مَضِيقٌ (pl: مَضائِقُ or مَضايِقُ) is more common for strait, but قَناةٌ can sometimes be used figuratively. |
| مُصَدِّرٌ pl: مُصَدِّرُونَ | exporter; exporting. This is the active participle (اِسْمُ الْفاعِلِ) of the II-verb صَدَّرَ – يُصَدِّرُ (to export). The opposite is مُسْتَوْرِدٌ (importer) from the X-verb اِسْتَوْرَدَ (to import). The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of صَدَّرَ is تَصْدِيرٌ (export). Root: ص-د-ر (to issue, emerge, go out). For example: The government supports exporters (تَدْعَمُ الْحُكُومَةُ الْمُصَدِّرِينَ). Association of Exporters (رَابِطَةُ الْمُصَدِّرِينَ). The country is a major oil exporter (الْبَلَدُ مُصَدِّرٌ رَئِيسِيٌّ لِلنِّفْطِ). |
Part 2: Translation of an article
We will now conduct a detailed analysis of all the highlighted terms from the preceding article
🔒 Note on the Vocabulary List: The following section provides an exhaustive linguistic breakdown of every key term and grammatical nuance found in this article. Access to this deep analysis — featuring detailed word-for-word explanations and contextual examples similar to the table above — is available exclusively to our Arabic for Nerds+ community.
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Media Arabic Booster 04-25
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All the Arabic words from Media Arabic Booster, episode 04-25.
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Note: The feature image was created by AI and is used for illustration purposes only.
Wanna cite this article?
Drißner, G. (2025, April 30). From Washington to Gaza: Decoding Two Major Debates in Arabic Media | Media Arabic Booster 04/25. Arabic for Nerds. https://arabic-for-nerds.com/learners-corner/media-arabic-booster/media-arabic-booster-04-25/
Published: April 30, 2025
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Publication ISSN: 3055-1730
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