How States Reclaim History: Egypt’s Police Day & the Saudi-UAE Rift | Media Arabic Booster 01/26

How does a state reclaim a historic date from a revolution? Or how do social media hashtags become weapons in a silent diplomatic war?

This Media Arabic Booster explores the language of national narratives and economic coercion, analyzing a carefully orchestrated Egyptian front page and the digital fallout of the Saudi-UAE rift.

First, we examine the front page of Youm7 (اليوم السابع) on January 25. We analyze how the Egyptian regime uses specific vocabulary – focusing on “determination”, “reform”, and “security” – to frame Police Day not just as a celebration, but as a rebuttal to the memory of the 2011 uprising. It was on January 25, 2011, that the protests in Egypt began – protests that would eventually topple the Mubarak regime (ثَوْرة 25 يناير).

Then, we shift our focus to the Gulf. By analyzing a report from the London-based daily Rai al-Youm (رأي اليوم), we see how tensions between Saudi Arabia and the UAE are playing out in the digital sphere. We look at the vocabulary of economic boycotts, “punitive silence”, and the deeper geopolitical disagreements over Yemen and regional alliances.

Working through these texts will help you understand how state media crafts history and how modern diplomatic conflicts are fought on social platforms.

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A close look at a headline

In this edition of Media Arabic Booster, we begin by examining a rather remarkable frontpage.

Youm7 (Egypt): A Message from the Regime

On January 25, 2026, Egyptians woke up to a front page that was carefully designed to send a specific message.

The Egyptian newspaper Youm7 (اليوم السابع), known for its close alignment with the regime, did not just report the news; it framed a national narrative. The headlines marked the 74th Police Day, a date that carries heavy historical weight in Egypt, serving as both a celebration of anti-colonial heroism and a battleground for memory over the 2011 uprising.

Remark: If you want to read the full article, try this link (or: archive.org)

Let’s focus on the entire front page.

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Translation of an article

Let’s look at parts of a longer newspaper article in Arabic. We will translate each sentence carefully. The highlighted words are in the vocabulary list below.

We will take another look at one of the major current conflicts in the Middle East: Yemen.

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) attempted to seize control of the ‘resource basket’ in Yemen (Hadhramaut) in order to secure gold and ports. However, they encroached upon the Saudi border, which triggered a significant backlash.

Rai al-Youm (London): Saudi-UAE social media meltdown

On January 22, 2026, the London-based digital daily Rai al-Youm published a report detailing a sharp escalation in the tacit tensions between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

The article documents a coordinated Saudi social media campaign urging a boycott of Emirati tourism and products a strategy the author compares to Riyadh’s previous economic pressure on Turkey – while noting Abu Dhabi’s “punitive silence” in response.

Beyond the online rhetoric, the report argues that these frictions reflect deeper geopolitical rifts, particularly Saudi frustration with the UAE’s expanding energy and nuclear cooperation with India, which Riyadh views as undermining its own regional alliances.

Remark: If you cannot access the article, try this link (archive.org)

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تحذيرات سعودية شعبية من السفر لـ”أبوظبي ودبي ودعوات لمُقاطعة “البضائع الإماراتية”
لماذا وماذا بعد؟

Popular Saudi warnings against travelling to Abu Dhabi and Dubai, calls to boycott Emirati goods: Why and what (comes) next…?

وكيف تنظر الرياض للتقارب الإماراتي- الهندي نوويًّا”؟..
الإمارات في “الصمت العقابي” هل ثمّة ما خلفه؟

How does Riyadh view the Emirati-Indian ‘nuclear’ rapprochement?..
The UAE in ‘punitive silence’: Is there something behind it?

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Let’s now take a closer look at the entire article.

Section 1

تُواصل الإمارات بشكلٍ لافت، الصمت، وتتجنّب الرد فيما يبدو، على حملة إعلامية سعودية مُتصاعدة، وحادّة، تُظهر أنها ليست بصدد التوقّف، كان رأسها وأبرزها تقرير قناة “الإخبارية” الذي هدّد حكومة أبوظبي بفعل اللازم قريبًا، على خلفية ما وصفته السعودية بالتحريض على دعمها للإخوان، والقاعدة، وخلافات اليمن، وحقيقة الانسحاب الإماراتي من اليمن.

The UAE continues its conspicuous silence [“in a striking way”] and seemingly avoids responding to an escalating and intense Saudi media campaign that shoblws no signs of abating. The most prominent example of this campaign was a report by Al-Ekhbariya TV, which threatened the Abu Dhabi government with imminent action, based on what Saudi Arabia described as incitement to support the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda, the conflict in Yemen [regarding its role in Yemen disputes], and the reality of the UAE’s withdrawal from Yemen.

الجديد في هذا الخلاف السعودي- الإماراتي، حملة تبدو أنها أُعطيت الضوء الأخضر من السلطات السعودية العُليا، حيث أطلق نشطاء سعوديون عبر المنصّات التواصلية، ومنها منصّة “إكس” حملة تدعو إلى “مُقاطعة السياحة في الإمارات”، الأمر الذي يطرح تساؤلات حول اقتراب الخطوة السعودية التالية، بإغلاق السفارات، وسحب السفراء، وإعلان القطيعة النهائية بين البلدين.

The latest development in this Saudi-Emirati dispute is a campaign that appears to have received the green light from the highest Saudi authorities. Saudi activists have launched a campaign on social media platforms, including the “X” platform, calling for a boycott of tourism in the UAE. This raises questions about the possibility of Saudi Arabia taking the next step: closing embassies, withdrawing ambassadors, and declaring a complete break in relations between the two countries.

هذه حملة سعودية تُشبه الحملة التي جرى إطلاقها سعوديًّا ضد السياحة في تركيا ومُنتجاتها، ومسلسلاتها، على خلفية قضية مقتل الصحافي السعودي جمال خاشقجي على الأراضي التركية، والموقف التركي المُعادي للرياض والمُتراجع لاحقًا.

This Saudi campaign is similar to the one launched against tourism in Turkey, its products, and its television series, following the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi on Turkish soil and Turkey’s initial hostile stance towards Riyadh, which later softened.

وتصدّرت وسوم هاشتاغات على المنصات مثل: #قاطعواالسياحةفيالإمارات و#مقاطعةالسياحةفيالإمارات.

Hashtags such as #BoycottUAETourism and #BoycottUAETourism trended on social media platforms.

وشارك آلاف السعوديين في نشر تدوينات حادّة وناقدة، وحذّرت من السفر إلى دبي وأبوظبي، معتبرين أن الأموال المُنفقة هُناك قد تُساهم في دعم أنشطة تُعتبر ضارّة باستقرار المنطقة.

Thousands of Saudis participated by posting sharp and critical messages, warning against travel to Dubai and Abu Dhabi, arguing that money spent there could contribute to supporting activities deemed detrimental to regional stability.

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Section 2

ودعا الكاتب السعودي عبد اللطيف آل الشيخ، لمُقاطعة السياحة في ‎الإمارات قائلًا: “لا تجعلوا أموالكم شريكًا في الدم.. كل ريال يُضخ هناك، يعود وقودًا لقتل الأطفال”.

Saudi writer Abdul Latif Al-Sheikh called for a boycott of tourism in the UAE, saying, “Don’t let your money be complicit [a partner] in bloodshed… Every riyal spent there fuels the killing of children.”

ونقلت قناة “العربية” عن الكاتب السعودي جاسر الجاسر، قوله إن أبو ظبي تؤوي رئيس المجلس الانتقالي الجنوبي عيدروس الزبيدي، وتتحمّل مسؤولية شخص تعتبره الرياض خائناً ويحرّض على أعمال إرهابية داخل اليمن ويهدّد أمن المملكة وسلطنة عُمان، كما نقلت عنه أن السعودية تمدّ حبل الصبر حتى الآن، حرصًا على استقرار اليمن فحسب.

Al-Arabiya quoted Saudi writer Jasser al-Jasser as saying that Abu Dhabi is harboring the head of the Southern Transitional Council, Aidarus al-Zubaidi, and is responsible for a person whom Riyadh considers a traitor who incites terrorist acts inside Yemen and threatens the security of the Kingdom and the Sultanate of Oman. He also stated that Saudi Arabia is exercising restraint thus far, solely out of concern for Yemen’s stability.

ولم يتوقّف الهُجوم السعودي عند حدود الدعوة لمُقاطعة السياحة الإماراتية، بل تصدّرت اتهامات من قبلهم، تحدّثت عن انعدام الخصوصية داخل الفنادق الإماراتية، واستخدام ذلك بالابتزاز لاحقًا ضد النزلاء البارزين وفق قولهم.

The Saudi attack did not stop at calling for a boycott of Emirati tourism. Accusations also surfaced, alleging a lack of privacy in Emirati hotels and claiming this was later used to blackmail prominent guests.

ويُعد السياح السعوديون في صدارة زوّار دبي، حيث سجّلوا 1.9مليون زائر في عام 2024، مما يبرز مكانة دبي كوجهة مفضلة لقضاء العطلات، التسوق، والفعاليات الترفيهية.

Saudi tourists are among the top visitors to Dubai, with 1.9 million recorded in 2024, highlighting Dubai’s status as a preferred destination for holidays, shopping, and entertainment.

ويبدو أن الخلاف السعودي- الإماراتي، دخل في القطيعة والحصار دون إعلان رسمي، فشملت دعوة المُقاطعة السعودية، دعوة لمُقاطعة المنتجات والبضائع الإماراتية.

It appears that the Saudi-Emirati dispute has escalated into a complete break and blockade, albeit without official declaration. The Saudi boycott call now includes a call to boycott Emirati products and goods.

وتُعد السعودية والإمارات أكبر شريكين تجاريين في المنطقة، حيث وصل التبادل التجاري إلى 36 مليار دولار عام 2024، حيث تشمل أبرز الصادرات الإماراتية للسعودية المعادن الثمينة والأحجار الكريمة، المنتجات المعدنية، والآلات.

Saudi Arabia and the UAE are the region’s largest trading partners, with trade reaching $36 billion in 2024. The UAE’s main exports to Saudi Arabia include precious metals and gemstones, metal products, and machinery.

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Section 3

وانتقدت الرياض أيضًا التقارب السعودي- الهندي، بعد زيارة الرئيس الإماراتي الشيخ محمد بن زايد، عبر تغريدة للدكتور السعودي عبدالعزيز التويجري، وقال التويجري، المدير العام السابق لمنظمة الإيسيسكو: “المسلمون يتحالفون، والصهاينة والهندوس يتحالفون، وشبه الشيء مُنجذب إليه”، في انتقاد فُسّر سعوديًّا على أنه انتقاد لاذع للتقارب الإماراتي- الهندي، والذي جاء في مُواجهة تحالف سعودي- باكستاني للدفاع المُشترك- وآخر سعودي- باكستاني- تركي مُرتقب.

Riyadh also criticized the Saudi-Indian [sic: Source error, context implies “Emirati-Indian”] rapprochement following the visit of UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed. This criticism came in the form of a tweet by Saudi scholar Dr. Abdulaziz Al-Tuwaijri, the former Director-General of ISESCO [Islamic, Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization], who wrote: “Muslims are forming alliances, and Zionists and Hindus are forming alliances; like attracts like.” This criticism was interpreted by Saudi Arabia as a sharp rebuke of the UAE-India rapprochement, which came in the face of a Saudi-Pakistani joint defense alliance and a potential Saudi-Pakistani-Turkish alliance.

وخلال زيارة بن زايد للهند، وقّعت الأخيرة صفقة بقيمة 3 مليارات دولار لشراء الغاز الطبيعي المسال من الإمارات، ما يجعلها أكبر مستورد من أبوظبي، كما شملت الاتفاقات تعاونًا نوويًّا بين البلدين، بما في ذلك تطوير ونشر “مفاعلات نووية كبيرة”، وحصل كُل ذلك خلال زيارة إماراتية رئاسية للهند استمرّت ثلاث ساعات فقط.

During Bin Zayed’s visit to India, the latter signed a $3 billion deal to purchase liquefied natural gas from the UAE, making it Abu Dhabi’s largest importer. The agreements also included nuclear cooperation between the two countries, encompassing the development and deployment of “large nuclear reactors.” All of this occurred during a brief, three-hour visit by the UAE president to India.

ودخل على خط الحملة السعودية نشطاء من دول أخرى مثل اليمن والسودان مُتضامنون، والذين يتشاركون في العداء للسياسات الإماراتية ضد بلادهم، وتقسيمها، وإضعافها.

Activists from other countries, such as Yemen and Sudan, joined the Saudi campaign in solidarity, sharing a common animosity towards Emirati policies aimed at dividing and weakening their nations.

في المُقابل، تُواصل الإمارات الصمت، ولا تُوعز لإعلامها الرد على الحملات السعودية، الأمر الذي يطرح تساؤلات فيما إذا كانت الإمارات تترك مساحة للصلح، والعودة، أو تتحضّر لاحقًا لهجمة إعلامية قد تحمل أكثر من الهجوم، وصولًا مثلًا لتسريبات قاسية، أو فضائحية ضد الرياض.

Meanwhile, the UAE remains silent and has not instructed its media outlets to respond to the Saudi campaigns. This raises questions about whether the UAE is leaving room for reconciliation and rapprochement, or whether it is preparing for a media offensive that could go beyond mere criticism, potentially including harsh or scandalous leaks against Riyadh.

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Section 4

نشطاء الإمارات الذين يرصدون حملات سعودية تحريضية “يومية” ضد بلادهم، وصفوا عدم رد بلادهم على الحملات السعودية بـ”الصمت العقابي” الذي يُثير الغضب السعودي على حد قولهم.

Emirati activists, who monitor daily Saudi incitement campaigns against their country, described their government’s lack of response to these campaigns as “punitive silence,” which they say is provoking Saudi anger.

وينحصر الرد الإماراتي تقريبًا الحاد أحيانًا بحق المملكة، بكل من الأكاديمي عبد الخالق عبد الله، وضاحي خلفان نائب قائد شرطة دبي.

The Emirati response, sometimes sharp, is almost exclusively limited to academic Abdulkhaleq Abdulla and Dubai’s Deputy Chief of Police, Dhahi Khalfan.

وتدعم العربية السعودية الحكومة اليمنية المُعترف بها دوليًّا في حين تؤيد الإمارات المجلس الانتقالي الجنوبي الذي سعى للانفصال في جنوب اليمن.

Saudi Arabia supports the internationally recognized Yemeni government, while the UAE backs the Southern Transitional Council, which sought secession in southern Yemen.

ونشرت صحيفة “واشنطن بوست” تقريرًا أعدته لافدي موريس وكاثرين هوارلد وكلير باركر، قلن فيه إن أهداف الإستراتيجية السعودية بعد الخلاف في اليمن، باتت تقوم على مواجهة النفوذ الإماراتي في منطقة البحر الأحمر.

The Washington Post published a report by Loveday Morris, Katharine Houreld, and Claire Parker, stating that the Saudi strategy following the Yemen conflict now focuses on countering Emirati influence in the Red Sea region.

وكانت أصدرت وزارة الدفاع الإماراتية بيانًا، قالت إنه رد على محافظ حضرموت سالم الحنبشي، والاتهامات التي كالها لأبو ظبي، وهي ذات الاتهامات التي كررتها السعودية عبر إعلامها الرسمي في الأيام الماضية.

The UAE Ministry of Defense issued a statement, which it said was a response to Hadramawt Governor Salem al-Hanbashi and the accusations he leveled against Abu Dhabi – accusations that Saudi Arabia has repeated through its official media in recent days.

ونفى البيان الإماراتي بشكلٍ قاطع ما وصفه بـ”مزاعم وادعاءات باطلة ومضللة لا تستند إلى أي دليل أو حقيقة، بشأن اكتشاف كميات من الأسلحة والمتفجرات يُزعم ارتباطها بدولة الإمارات في مطار الريان بمدينة المكلا اليمنية”.

The Emirati statement categorically denied what it described as “false and misleading claims and allegations, lacking any evidence or factual basis, regarding the discovery of quantities of weapons and explosives allegedly linked to the UAE at Al-Rayyan Airport in the Yemeni city of Mukalla.”

كما وحذّرت وزارة الدفاع الإماراتية من أن “الزج باسم دولة الإمارات في مثل هذه الادعاءات يثير تساؤلات حول الدوافع الحقيقية والجهات التي تقف وراء ترويج هذه الأكاذيب، معتبرة أن ذلك يعكس محاولة مكشوفة لتمرير أجندات سياسية على حساب الحقيقة، وجزءاً من حملة ممنهجة لتشويه صورة دولة الإمارات وتضحيات جنودها في سبيل دعم اليمن وحماية أمنه واستقراره على مدى أكثر من عشر سنوات”.

The UAE Ministry of Defense also warned that “dragging the UAE’s name into such allegations raises questions about the true motives and the parties behind promoting these lies,” considering it a blatant attempt to advance political agendas at the expense of the truth, and part of a systematic campaign to distort the image of the UAE and the sacrifices of its soldiers in supporting Yemen and protecting its security and stability for more than ten years….

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Vocabulary list

All the words in the above article marked in color can be found in this table with explanations.

Part 1: Analysis of a headline

The following vocabulary list covers the yellow-marked words we saw in the headlines.

Arabic	Explanation
عَزِيمَةٌ pl: عَزائِمُ	determination, resolution, will. A noun derived from the root (ع-ز-م). It implies a firm intention. For example: The state moves forward with unbreakable determination (الدَّوْلَةُ تَمْضِي بِعَزِيمَةٍ لا تَنْكَسِرُ). He showed great determination to succeed (أَظْهَرَ عَزِيمَةً قَوِيَّةً عَلَى النَّجاحِ).
مَأْوًى pl: مَآوٍ	shelter, refuge, abode. A noun of place (اِسْمُ مَكانٍ) derived from the I-verb أَوَى – يَأْوِي (to seek shelter/to house). Watch out: It is a defective noun (اِسْمٌ مَنْقُوصٌ); the indefinite plural is مَآوٍ (ma’āwin), but with the definite article, it becomes الْمَآوِي. For example: Extremism will find no refuge in Egypt (التَّطَرُّفُ لَنْ يَجِدَ فِي مِصْرَ مَأْوًى). Shelters for the homeless (مَآوٍ لِلْمُشَرَّدِينَ).
فِتْنَةٌ pl: فِتَنٌ	sedition, strife, discord, civil unrest. Historically charged term referring to internal division or trial. Derived from the root (ف-ت-ن). For example: The people’s awareness is a bulwark against sedition (وَعْيُ الشَّعْبِ حائِطُ الصَّدِّ أَمامَ الْفِتَنِ). They tried to ignite sectarian strife (حاوَلُوا إِشْعالَ فِتْنَةٍ طائِفِيَّةٍ). Semantic Range: فِتْنَة is a loaded Islamic/historical term. While “sedition” is one meaning, in a modern security context (especially “Police Day”), it refers to internal unrest, riots, or civil chaos. “Sedition” is slightly too specific to speech/incitement, whereas فِتْنَة encompasses the resulting chaos.
تَوَافُقٌ	consensus, agreement, harmony. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the VI-verb تَوافَ- يَتَوافَقُ (to agree with each other, to be compatible). It implies mutual agreement. For example: I sought consensus during the statement (حَرَصْتُ عَلَى التَّوافُقِ خِلالَ الْبَيانِ). There is a political consensus on this issue (هُناكَ تَوافُقٌ سِياسِيٌّ بِشَأْنِ هَذِهِ الْمَسْأَلَةِ).
فَصِيلٌ pl: فَصَائِلُ	faction, platoon, section. In political and military contexts, it refers to a distinct group or wing. For example: No faction was targeted (لَمْ يَكُنْ هُناكَ اسْتِهْدافٌ لِأَيِّ فَصِيلٍ). Palestinian factions met in Cairo (اجْتَمَعَت الْفَصائِلُ الْفِلَسْطِينِيَّةُ فِي القاهِرَةِ).
تَجْهِيزٌ pl: تَجْهِيزَاتٌ	preparations, equipment, supplies, measures. Verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the II-verb جَهَّزَ – يُجَهِّزُ (to equip, prepare, outfit, make ready). It refers to the things prepared or the act of preparing them. For example: Strong security preparations/measures (التَّجْهِيزاتُ الْأَمْنِيَّةُ الْقَوِيَّةُ). Medical equipment/supplies (تَجْهِيزاتٌ طِبِّيَّةٌ). Note: Security measures is standardly translated as الإِجْرَاءَاتُ الأَمْنِيَّةُ.

Arabic	Explanation
مُقَدَّرَاتٌ	resources, assets, capabilities, potentials. Passive participle (اِسْمُ مَفْعُولٍ) from the II-verb قَدَّرَ (to estimate/decree). It is almost exclusively used in the plural in this context. For example: Protecting our country and its resources. (حِمايَةُ بِلادِنا … وَمُقَدَّراتِهِ) The state does not squander the capabilities of the people. (الدَّوْلَةُ لا تُفَرِّطُ فِي مُقَدَّراتِ الشَّعْبِ)
جَاهِزِيَّةٌ	readiness, preparedness. Artificial infinitive noun (مَصْدَرٌ صِناعِيٌ) formed from the active participle جاهِزٌ (ready) by adding ـِيَّةٌ. For example: The competence and strong readiness of the security services (كَفاءَةُ الْأَجْهِزَةِ الْأَمْنِيَّةِ وَجاهِزِيَّتُها الْقَوِيَّةُ). Raising the combat readiness of the troops (رَفْعُ الْجاهِزِيَّةِ الْقِتالِيَّةِ لِلْقُوّاتِ).
تَشْرِيعٌ pl: تَشْرِيعَاتٌ	legislation, lawmaking. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the II-verb شَرَّعَ – يُشَرِّعُ (to legislate/enact laws). The plural usually refers to specific laws or legislative acts. For example: We can study and pilot legislation to protect our children (مُمْكِنٌ نَدْرُسُ وَنُجَرِّبُ تَشْرِيعاتٍ لِحِمايَةِ أَطْفالِنا). The parliament approved new legislation (أَقَرَّ الْبَرْلَمانُ تَشْرِيعاتٍ جَدِيدَةً).
أَخَذَ – يَأْخُذُ بِالْأَسْبَابِ	to utilize available means, to do one’s part (while trusting in God). A key Islamic concept meaning to actively employ the material “causes” (asbāb) necessary to achieve a goal, rather than passively waiting for destiny. It balances human effort with divine reliance. For example: We must utilize available means/do our part in the media (يَجِبُ أَنْ نَأْخُذَ بِالْأَسْبَابِ فِي الْإِعْلامِ). He worked hard, utilizing the means, and relied on God (عَمِلَ بِجِدٍّ آخِذًا بِالْأَسْبَابِ وَتَوَكَّلَ عَلَى اللهِ).
أَمْلَى – يُمْلِي عَلَى	to dictate, impose. IV-verb (weak/defective root م-ل-و). It is construed with the preposition عَلَى (on/upon). For example: It does not need anyone to dictate its actions to it (لا تَحْتاجُ إِلَى مَنْ يُمْلِي عَلَيْها ما تَفْعَلُ). The victor dictates his conditions on the loser (الْمُنْتَصِرُ يُمْلِي شُرُوطَهُ عَلَى الْمَهْزُومِ).
تَلاَحُمٌ	cohesion, solidarity, close union. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the VI-verb تَلاحَمَ – يَتَلاحَمُ (to stick together, to engage in close combat). For example: To support the cohesion of state institutions with the people (لِدَعْمِ تَلاحُمِ مُؤَسَّساتِ الدَّوْلَةِ مَعَ الشَّعْبِ). Social cohesion is vital for stability (التَّلاحُمُ الِاجْتِماعِيُّ حَيَوِيٌّ لِلِاسْتِقْرارِ).

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Drißner, G. (2026, January 31). How States Reclaim History: Egypt’s Police Day & the Saudi-UAE Rift | Media Arabic Booster 01/26. Arabic for Nerds. https://arabic-for-nerds.com/learners-corner/media-arabic-booster/media-arabic-booster-01-26/

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Published: January 31, 2026

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Publication ISSN: 3055-1730