Arab Rulers Under Pressure: Gaza’s Hunger, Cairo’s Fire & Tunisia’s Decline | Media Arabic Booster 07/25

From a massive infrastructure fire that plunged Egypt into digital darkness to the steady erosion of democracy in Tunisia, a new chapter of regional turmoil is being written across North Africa.

These events, though different in nature, reveal deep-seated vulnerabilities within two of the Arab world’s most pivotal states, forcing their societies and governments to confront stark new realities.

How does the Arabic media articulate these distinct forms of decline? In this edition of the Media Arabic Booster, we dissect the headlines and opinion pieces from Cairo to Tunis.

We will unpack the critical Media Arabic vocabulary of state failure, political disenchantment, and economic hardship to give you the tools to read between the lines of today’s news.

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A close look at a headline

By July 2025, the already unspeakable humanitarian situation and hunger in Gaza caused by Israel had worsened even further. Arab states, in particular, are coming under increasing pressure to act. In this issue, we want to take a closer look at what has recently happened in Egypt and Tunisia.

al-Masry al-Youm: Egypt “out of service”

On July 9, 2025, the Egyptian newspaper al-Masry al-Youm (المصري اليوم) reported on a fire that broke out two days earlier in Cairo, when an electrical short circuit on the seventh floor of Ramses Central (سنترال رمسيس) ignited equipment rooms and raged for about 13 hours, killing four employees and injuring at least 27.

The blaze crippled Egypt’s telecom backbone. NetBlocks reported that internet connectivity plunged to 62% at the outage’s peak, fell further to 44% the next morning, and only fully recovered two days later. Mobile networks, banking apps, and emergency hotlines also went offline nationwide during the crisis.

Opened in 1927, Ramses Central handles over 40 percent of Egypt’s domestic and international telecom traffic through the Cairo Internet Exchange and major submarine cable landings.

Let’s focus on the headline:

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Al Youm Al Sabea: Starvation and Death in Gaza

On July 23rd, the Egyptian newspaper Al Youm Al Sabea (اليوم السابع) featured coverage of the ongoing humanitarian crisis and the deaths in the Gaza Strip (قطاع غزة).

It’s quite rare for them to use different typefaces, which usually indicates special emphasis. Let’s see if you can read it.

Let’s focus on the headline:

Note: We used quite a literal translation. The Arabic words are powerful and emotionally charged. In English, you may need to fine-tune the translation to preserve its gravity and lyrical tone while making it resonate in English. Here are some options:

• “Queues of hunger and death are harvesting the souls of Gaza’s people.” (This is a more literal translation, retaining the strong imagery of “harvesting souls.”)
• “Hunger and death queues are claiming the lives of Gaza’s residents.” (A very natural and common way to express “claiming lives.”)
• “Lines of hunger and death are taking the lives of people in Gaza.” (Slightly simpler and more direct.)
• “Gaza’s people are perishing in queues of hunger and death.” (Focuses on the people as the subject and their tragic fate.)

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Translation of an article

Let’s look at parts of a longer newspaper article in Arabic. We will translate each sentence carefully. The highlighted words are in the vocabulary list below.

al-Quds al-Arabi: Tunisia, the Regime, and the Arab Spring

On July 23, the Qatari-owned London-based Al-Quds al-Arabi (القدس العربي) daily carried the following opinion piece by Tunisian writer Mohamed Krichen (محمد كريشان).

Who is Mohammed Krichen?

Mohammed Krichen, born on January 7, 1959 in Sfax, Tunisia, is a seasoned journalist and news presenter with Al Jazeera since 1996. He holds a degree in media studies from the University of Tunis and has previously worked with Reuters, BBC Arabic, and Monte Carlo Radio. Known for his insightful political interviews and programs like “Behind the News,” Krichen is a respected voice in Arab media.

Remark: If you cannot access the article, try this link (archive.org)

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تونس بعد أربع سنوات من انقلاب قيس سعيّد

Tunisia Four Years After Kais Saied’s Coup

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Let’s now take a closer look at the entire article.

Section 1

تحل هذا الأسبوع الذكرى الرابعة لانقلاب قيس سعيّد على دستور البلاد لعام 2014 الذي أقسم على صونه واحترامه، قبل مضيّه لاحقا منفردا في تغيير المشهد السياسي للبلاد برمّته ليصبح الحاكم بأمره بلا حسيب ولا رقيب.

This week marks the fourth anniversary of Kais Saied’s coup against the country’s 2014 constitution, which he swore to uphold and respect, before proceeding unilaterally to transform the country’s entire political landscape, becoming an unchecked ruler.

أربع سنوات تقهقرت فيها البلاد بشكل درامي على كل الأصعدة، لكن الكارثة الأكبر تبقى أن لا أحد يدري إلى أين المصير أو متى يمكن أن تتوقف عجلة الانحدار السريع والمخيف.

For four years, the country has dramatically regressed on every level, but the greater catastrophe remains that no one knows where the future lies or when the rapid and frightening decline will stop.

التبرير الأبسط والأقوى لأي استبداد هو أن هناك إنجازات يراها المواطن رأي العين ويمكن أن تشفع للحاكم، جدلا أو حقيقة، استهتاره بالديمقراطية والحريات. هنا يمكن أن يقال عن هذا الحاكم أو ذاك إنه، وإن كان ديكتاتورا إلا أن البلاد في عهده صارت أفضل اقتصاديا وتنمويا ومعيشيا، وبالتالي فهذا يمكن أن يشفع لذاك، مع أن الأمور لا تقاس بهذه الثنائية المتعسّفة.

The simplest and most powerful justification for any tyranny is that there are achievements visible to citizens that can, arguably or truthfully, excuse the ruler’s disregard for democracy and freedoms. Here, it can be said of this or that ruler that, even if he is a dictator, the country has improved under his rule economically, developmentally, and in terms of living standards. Consequently, one can excuse the other, although matters cannot be measured by this arbitrary duality.

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Section 2

المصيبة أن تونس، بعد هذه السنوات الأربع، أضاعت الديمقراطية ولم تظفر بشيء في المقابل بعد أن فقدت ما كان من حريات وانتخابات نزيهة وإعلام صاخب وبرلمان فاعل وحياة حزبية نشيطة ومؤسسات رقابية تحاول ترسيخ تقاليد جديدة، رغم ما اعترى كل ما سبق من فوضى وفساد ومزايدات وتوافقات انتهازية عطّلت جميعها أي سعي جدّي لنهضة اقتصادية ترتقي بحياة الناس اليومية.

The tragedy is that, after these four years, Tunisia has lost democracy and gained nothing in return, having lost its former freedoms, fair elections, a vibrant media, an active parliament, a vibrant party life, and oversight institutions attempting to establish new traditions. This is despite the chaos, corruption, outbidding, and opportunistic agreements that have all hindered any serious efforts toward an economic renaissance that would improve people’s daily lives.

لن يخرج الرئيس التونسي يوم الجمعة ليسرد إنجازات يمكنه أن يفخر بها ويخرس بها منتقديه، لسبب بسيط للغاية، وهو أنه لا يملك شيئا يمكن أن يقدّمه أو يفاخر به، لا على المستوى الاقتصادي ولا الاجتماعي ولا السياسي، لا المحلّي ولا الإقليمي ولا الدولي. لا شيء على الإطلاق!!

The Tunisian president will not come out on Friday to list achievements he can be proud of and silence his critics for a very simple reason: he has nothing to offer or boast about, whether on the economic, social, or political levels, domestically, regionally, or internationally. Absolutely nothing!!

أربع سنوات لم نر فيها ولو بداية لمشروع واحد ضخم ملموس، سواء كان طريقا سريعة أو جسرا أو مستشفى أو جامعة أو تطويرا لمطار لم يعد لائقا أو أي شيء آخر. حتى الموالون للرئيس ما عاد بوسعهم أن يقولوا عكس ذلك حتى ذهب أحد نواب البرلمان الحالي مؤخرا إلى حد وصف قيس سعيّد بأنه «كسيح سياسيا لا يستمع لأحد، يريد أن يبدأ تحريرا لا برنامج له، لا مال، ولا رجال» واصفا البلاد في عهده بأنها «تسير إلى المجهول إلى اللاعنوان، فقط شعارات وكلاميات وبلاغيات». هذا مناصر للرئيس فما عسى يقول معارضوه؟!!

For four years, we haven’t seen even the beginning of a single major, tangible project, whether it be a highway, a bridge, a hospital, a university, the renovation of an airport that is no longer fit for purpose, or anything else. Even the president’s loyalists can no longer say otherwise. One current member of parliament recently went so far as to describe Kais Saied as “a political cripple who listens to no one, wanting to initiate a liberation without a program, money, or men.” He described the country under his rule as “moving toward the unknown, toward no address, only slogans, rhetoric, and pronouncements.” This is a supporter of the president, so what can his opponents say?

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Section 3

المصيبة أن الأمور لم تقف عند صفرية الإنجازات، فقد نجد لذلك ألف عذر وعذر، بل إن ما كان قائما أصلا هو بصدد التهاوي تدريجيا بسبب الإهمال ونقص الصيانة وغياب الاعتمادات المالية اللازمة لأي شيء، حتى وصل الأمر إلى حد الترحّم على سنوات حكم الراحل بن علي. وازداد التقهقر استفحالا أن امتد إلى فضاءات أخطر بكثير:

The tragedy is that the situation has not stopped at zero achievements, for which we can find a thousand excuses. Indeed, what was already in place is gradually collapsing due to neglect, lack of maintenance, and the absence of the necessary financial allocations for anything. This has even reached the point of mourning the years of the late Ben Ali’s rule. The decline has become more acute, extending to far more dangerous areas:

الإمعان في انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان دون رادع، وباستهتار كامل بالحد الأدنى من الإجراءات القانونية، وبتواطؤ فاقع من القضاء الذي بات خاضعا بالكامل لإرادة سلطة الأمر الواقع. لقد وصلت الأمور إلى عدم توقيع قضاة على رخص زيارة محامين لموكليهم في السجون، مع وفيات مريبة هناك لثلاثة من الشبان في عمر الزهور، فضلا عن نقل المعارض والوزير السابق غازي الشواشي إلى المستشفى لإجراء عملية جراحية عاجلة دون إعلام عائلته بل ومنعها من زيارته حين أبقي في المستشفى مكبّل اليدين على سريره!!

The persistence of human rights violations without deterrence, with complete disregard for minimal legal procedures, and with the blatant complicity of the judiciary, which has become entirely subservient to the will of the de facto authorities. Matters have reached the point where judges refuse to sign licenses for lawyers to visit their clients in prison, with the suspicious deaths of three young men in the prime of their lives. Furthermore, opposition figure and former minister Ghazi Chaouachi was transferred to the hospital for urgent surgery without informing his family, and even prevented from visiting him while he was kept handcuffed to his bed.

انتقال عدوى خطاب الكراهية والتحريض، الذي أدمنه رئيس الدولة ضد معارضيه لتبرير كل الإخفاقات الواضحة للعيان دونما استعداد لأية مراجعات أو وقفة تأمل مع النفس لمعرفة موطن الخلل الحقيقي، إلى قطاعات من الشعب، على الأقل كما تفضحه مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي. لم يعد الكثير مثلا يتورّع عن إبداء الشماتة في المعتقلين والمساجين حتى ممّن يتعرّض إلى محنة حقيقية صحية وعائلية. إن تفشي أجواء الحقد والتباغض بين أفراد الشعب الواحد يمكن أن يكون مقدمة، لا سمح الله، إلى ما هو أخطر بكثير ويكفي أن نلقي نظرة إلى ما يجري حاليا في دول عدة.

The contagion of hate speech and incitement, which the head of state has become addicted to against his opponents to justify all obvious failures, without any willingness to review or pause for self-reflection to identify the true source of the problem, has spread to segments of the population, at least as exposed by social media. Many, for example, no longer hesitate to gloat over detainees and prisoners, even those experiencing real health or family hardship. The spread of an atmosphere of hatred and animosity among members of a single nation could, God forbid, be a prelude to something far more dangerous. A look at what is currently happening in several countries is enough.

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Section 4

تراجع مريع في مستوى ما يفترض أن تقدمه السلطات المحلية من خدمات أقلها الأمن العام في المجتمع ونظافة الشوارع والمرافق العامة والحفاظ على البيئة وصحة المواطن، خاصة بعد حل كل الهيئات البلدية، وهو ما استدعى تشهيرا من رئيس الدولة نفسه الذي تحدث مع مسؤولين محليين وقرّعهم في زيارات فجائية في ساعات الفجر، وكأنه معارض، مع أن كل ما عاينه ما هو إلا مسؤوليته كسلطة، ومن مسؤولية من عيّنهم هو بنفسه قبل أن يحوّلهم سريعا إلى أكباش فداء.

A horrific decline in the level of services that local authorities are supposed to provide, not least public security in the community, the cleanliness of streets and public facilities, environmental protection, and citizen health, has been evident, especially after the dissolution of all municipal bodies. This prompted a public outcry from the head of state himself, who spoke with local officials and berated them in surprise visits in the early hours of the morning, as if he were an opposition figure. This is despite the fact that everything he witnessed was his own responsibility as an authority, and the responsibility of those he himself appointed before quickly turning them into scapegoats.

أربع سنوات ازدادت فيها الإدانات الحقوقية الدولية لتونس وازدادت عزلتها فلم يعد يزورها أحد إلا نادرا ولا رئيسها يزور أحدا، مع هشاشة إزاء اختراقات نفوذ أجنبية مريبة، واستمرار المالية العمومية في الاختناق مع اللجوء المتواصل للقروض لتسديد قروض سابقة، فيما تتصاعد معاناة الناس مع ارتفاع الأسعار وتدهور الخدمات المختلفة، لكن الخطاب السياسي الرسمي ما زال مكابرا ويتحدث بلغة الستيّنيات!!.

Four years have passed, during which international human rights condemnations of Tunisia have increased, and its isolation has deepened. Visitors are rare, and its president rarely visits anyone. Public finances remain fragile in the face of suspicious foreign influence, and the ongoing recourse to loans to repay previous loans continues to suffocate the public treasury. Meanwhile, the people’s suffering escalates with rising prices and the deterioration of various services. Yet, the official political discourse remains stubborn and speaks in the language of the 1960s.

المضحك المبكي هنا أن الرئيس وأنصاره القلائل ما فتئوا يرددون بأن «لا رجوع إلى الوراء».. مع أن ما ينتظرهم في هروبهم الأعمى إلى الأمام ليس سوى جب سحيق… لم يعد بعيدا.

What’s both ironic and tragic here is that the president and his few supporters continue to repeat that “there is no turning back,” even though what awaits them in their blind flight forward is nothing but a bottomless pit… not far away.

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Vocabulary list

All the words in the above article marked in color can be found in this table with explanations.

Part 1: Analysis of a headline

The following vocabulary list covers the yellow-marked words we saw in the headlines.

Arabic	Explanation
خَارِجَ	outside, out of. Often used as an adverb of place (ظَرْفُ مَكانٍ) that governs the genitive case. It is derived from the root خ-ر-ج, related to the verb خَرَجَ – يَخْرُجُ (to go out, exit). It is the opposite of دَاخِلَ (inside). The fixed phrase خَارِجَ نِطَاقِ الْخِدْمَةِ means “out of service range”. Other Examples: He lives outside the city. (يَعِيشُ خَارِجَ الْمَدِينَةِ). This is beyond my control. (هَذَا خَارِجٌ عَنْ إِرَادَتِي).
نِطَاقٌ pl: نُطُقٌ	scope, range, extent, sphere, domain. Examples: The project has a wide scope of work (لِلْمَشْرُوعِ نِطَاقُ عَمَلٍ وَاسِعٌ). We must expand the scope of the investigation (يَجِبُ أَنْ نُوَسِّعَ نِطَاقَ التَّحْقِيقِ). Note: The root ن-ط-ق has the core meaning of to speak. It is an old Semitic root. For example, in Akkadian nutaqu, anṭaqa denotes to speak; to make speak.
اِحْتِرَاقٌ	burning, combustion, being on fire. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the VIII-verb اِحْتَرَقَ – يَحْتَرِقُ (to burn, be on fire). Examples: The fire department responded to the fire incident (اِسْتَجَابَتْ إِدَارَةُ الْإِطْفَاءِ لِحَادِثِ الِاحْتِرَاقِ). The smell of burning filled the air (مَلَأَتْ رَائِحَةُ الِاحْتِرَاقِ الْهَوَاءَ).
طَابَقٌ pl: طَوَابِقُ	floor, story (of a building). A noun, derived from the root ط-ب-ق. It is related to the III-verb طَابَقَ – يُطَابِقُ (to correspond to, match, be congruent with), conveying the idea of one layer matching another. The word in the text, طَابِقَيْنِ, is the dual form in the accusative/genitive case, meaning “two floors”. Example: I live on the third floor (أَسْكُنُ فِي الطَّابَقِ الثَّالِثِ).
تَشْيِيعٌ	funeral procession, seeing off, farewell ceremony. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the II-verb شَيَّعَ – يُشَيِّعُ (to see off, accompany a funeral procession). It specifically refers to the communal act of escorting the deceased to their final resting place. Examples: Thousands participated in the funeral procession of the martyr (شَارَكَ الْآلَافُ فِي تَشْيِيعِ الشَّهِيدِ). The funeral of the victims was a solemn occasion. (كَانَ تَشْيِيعُ الضَّحَايَا مُنَاسَبَةً جَلِيلَةً)
جُثْمَانٌ pl: جَثَامِينُ	body, corpse, remains (of a deceased person). A noun (اِسْم جَامِد), not derived from a verb. It is typically used in formal contexts like news reports to refer to a dead body, often with a sense of respect. Examples: The victim’s body was transferred to the morgue (نُقِلَ جُثْمَانُ الضَّحِيَّةِ إِلَى الْمَشْرَحَةِ). The authorities handed over the remains of the deceased to their families (سَلَّمَتْ السُّلُطَاتُ جَثَامِينَ الْمُتَوَفَّيْنَ إِلَى ذَوِيهِمْ).
دَفْعٌ	payment; pushing, propelling. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the I-verb دَفَعَ – يَدْفَعُ (to pay; to push). In the context of the headline, الدَّفْعُ الْإِلِكْتْرُونِيُّ means “electronic payment”. Examples: Payment must be made in advance (يَجِبُ الدَّفْعُ مُقَدَّمًا). The incident led to the cessation of electronic payment services (أَدَّى الْحَادِثُ إِلَى تَوَقُّفِ خِدْمَاتِ الدَّفْعِ الْإِلِكْتْرُونِيِّ).
إِطْفَاءٌ	extinguishing, putting out (a fire). The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the IV-verb أَطْفَأَ – يُطْفِئُ (to extinguish, put out, turn off). The phrase نِظَامُ الْإِطْفَاءِ refers to the “firefighting system”. Examples: Firefighters are responsible for extinguishing fires (رِجَالُ الْإِطْفَاءِ مَسْؤُولُونَ عَنْ إِطْفَاءِ الْحَرَائِقِ). The extinguishing process took several hours (اِسْتَغْرَقَتْ عَمَلِيَّةُ الْإِطْفَاءِ عِدَّةَ سَاعَاتٍ).
أَقَلُّ	less, fewer. The elative or comparative/superlative form (اِسْمُ التَّفْضِيلِ). It is derived from the root ق-ل-ل and the verb قَلَّ – يَقِلُّ (to be few, be little, decrease). Examples: This method is less effective (هَذِهِ الطَّرِيقَةُ أَقَلُّ فَعَالِيَّةً). He earns less money than his brother (يَكْسِبُ مَالًا أَقَلَّ مِنْ أَخِيهِ).

Arabic	Explanation
طَابُورٌ pl: طَوَابِيرُ	queue, line, file, column. A noun, which is a loanword from Turkish (tabur, meaning “battalion”). It is not derived from an Arabic root. Examples: People stood in long queues to get bread (وَقَفَ النَّاسُ فِي طَوَابِيرَ طَوِيلَةٍ لِلْحُصُولِ عَلَى الْخُبْزِ).
جُوعٌ	hunger, starvation. The verbal noun (مَصْدَرٌ) of the I-verb جَاعَ – يَجُوعُ (to be hungry). Example: Millions of people suffer from hunger around the world (يُعَانِي مَلَايِينُ النَّاسِ مِنَ الْجُوعِ حَوْلَ الْعَالَمِ).
حَصَدَ – يَحْصُدُ	to harvest, reap; (figuratively) to claim (lives), kill. Infinitive nouns (مَصْدَرٌ) are حَصَادٌ or حَصْدٌ. I-verb. In the headline, it is used figuratively (حَصَدَ الْأَرْوَاحَ) to mean “to claim lives”, which is a very common expression in media Arabic for reporting casualties. Examples: The accident claimed the lives of five people (حَصَدَ الْحَادِثُ أَرْوَاحَ خَمْسَةِ أَشْخَاصٍ). The farmer harvests the wheat in the summer (يَحْصُدُ الْمُزَارِعُ الْقَمْحَ فِي الصَّيْفِ).
أَهْلٌ pl: أَهَالٍ or أَهْلُونَ	people (as relatives), family, kin, inhabitants. The plural أَهَالٍ (definite: الْأَهَالِي) is a broken plural and a defective noun (اِسْمٌ مَنْقُوصٌ), commonly used to mean “inhabitants” or “the people of” a place. For example: the family/descendants of the Prophet (أَهْلُ البَيْتِ; scholars (أَهْلُ العِلْمِ. Example: The inhabitants of the village welcomed the visitors warmly (رَحَّبَ أَهَالِي الْقَرْيَةِ بِالزُّوَّارِ بِحَرَارَةٍ).

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Part 2: Translation of an article

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In this episode, we had two verbs based on four roots, so-called quadriliteral verb (فِعْلٌ رُباعِيٌّ). Do you know how to conjugate them? If not, you can quickly refresh your knowledge here. And for all +Plus subscribers, there is the online verb conjugator — click here.

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Note: The feature image was created by AI and is used for illustration purposes only.

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Drißner, G. (2025, July 31). Arab Rulers Under Pressure: Gaza’s Hunger, Cairo’s Fire & Tunisia’s Decline | Media Arabic Booster 07/25. Arabic for Nerds. https://arabic-for-nerds.com/learners-corner/media-arabic-booster/media-arabic-booster-07-25/

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Published: July 31, 2025

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Publication ISSN: 3055-1730