Saudi Death Penalty & Gulf Rivalry: Legal Vocab from Makkah and Yemen | Media Arabic Booster 12/25

How does the Arab media balance raw street crime with formal legal procedure? Or report on the widening rift between long-standing regional “sisters”?

The Media Arabic Booster December 2025 episode explores the language of justice and geopolitical competition, analyzing a landmark Saudi criminal case and the complex power struggle between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.

In this edition, we bridge the gap between two distinct worlds: the courtroom and the strategic map.

First, we examine a high-profile case from Makkah, where the Saudi press uses highly specialized legal terminology to describe the finality of a death sentence. Here, you will encounter the vocabulary of “Hirabah” (حِرَابَة) – a term that carries deep historical and religious weight – and the bureaucratic “Tahmish” (تَهْمِيش) process that signals the end of a judicial road.

Then, we shift our focus to the Red Sea and Yemen. By analyzing a critical report from the Lebanese daily al-Akhbar, we see how the media frames the escalating tension between Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

This isn’t just about troop movements; it’s about the linguistic shift from “sisterly cooperation” to “strategic rivalry,” and how specific phrasing is used to signal a changing of the guard in the Horn of Africa.

Working through these texts will not only expand your vocabulary but also sharpen your ability to read between the lines of contemporary Gulf reporting.

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A close look at a headline

On December 15, 2025, a case reached its final, dramatic conclusion in the Makkah region in Saudi Arabia. This wasn’t just a local news story; it was a high-profile “legal thriller” shared by the Saudi newspaper Okaz (عُكَاظ).

Let’s focus on the headline:

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The Incident in Brief

The crime was as brutal as it was senseless. Here are the main facts:

1. Three Saudi men broke into the home of Mohammad Mahmoud Al-Faki Al-Agab (محمد محمود الفكي العجب), a Sudanese resident in Makkah, by pretending to be police officers.
2. While robbing the house and terrorizing the ten occupants inside, one of the men – acting under the influence of the drug “Shabu” – shot Mohammad in the head.
3. The gang fled the scene, but they were quickly tracked down using digital forensics and CCTV.
4. They eventually faced the ultimate penalty: execution by the sword.

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Normally, we limit ourselves to analyzing the headline. However, this case reveals much about Saudi society and the Saudi legal system. Therefore, we will delve a little deeper and examine the complete article inside the newspaper.

The Headline Breakdown

Saudi headlines often mix raw street reality with formal legal language. Here is how they presented this story:

Headline and Subheadline

Let’s take a closer look at the text.

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Some readers may not be familiar with the intricacies and peculiarities of Islamic law. So let’s quickly review the important basics and terms.

Legal Nerd Corner: What is “Hirabah” (حِرَابَة)?

The perpetrators were sentenced for حِرَابَة (ḥirābah). Historically, Hirabah referred to highwaymen robbing caravans. Today, it translates to “Waging war against society.” Unlike a normal murder case where the victim’s family can pardon the killer, Hirabah is a حَدّ (ḥadd) crime – a fixed penalty for an offense against public order.

The legal basis for this is found in the Quran, in Sura al-Ma’idah (سورة المائدة).

One of the most famous Sahih (authentic) Hadiths regarding these severe punishments is the story of the people of ‘Ukl (عُكْل) or ‘Urayna (عُرَيْنَة).

• They came to Medina and became ill.
• So the Prophet ordered them to go to the herd of (milk-giving) camels and to drink their milk and urine (as a medicine).
• Once healthy, they killed the shepherd and drove away the camels.
• The news reached the Prophet early in the morning and he sent men in their pursuit and they were captured and brought at noon.
• He then ordered to cut their hands and feet (and it was done), and their eyes were branded with heated pieces of iron.
• They were put in ‘Al-Harra’ (الْحَرَّة), a stony area covered with black volcanic rocks, and when they asked for water, no water was given to them.¹

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How the Saudi Verdict was “Produced”

The Saudi judicial system uses a massive amount of “judicial bureaucracy” to ensure certainty before an execution is carried out:

1. The 13-Judge Review: The case was reviewed by 3 judges in the First Instance Court, 5 judges in the Appeals Court, and 5 judges in the Supreme Court.
2. The Final Stamp (تَهْمِيش الصَّكّ): Tahmīsh (تَهْمِيش) refers to the final endorsement written in the margins of the official judicial deed (الصَّكّ). When this was marked وَاجِب التَّنْفِيذ (mandatory for execution), it signaled the end of the legal process.
3. In Saudi Arabia, death sentences for Hirabah are traditionally carried out by beheading with a sword (السيف).

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The Drug Box: Saudi Slang 101

In the newspaper article, the he word شَبُو (shabū) was used for crystal meth. This word is a fascinating linguistic traveler. We will also look at some more important terms and slang words in Arabic related to drugs.

1. شَبُو (shabū): Colloquial for Crystal Meth. This is a loanword from Tagalog (shabú), the language of the Philippines. It entered the Saudi lexicon via expatriate workers and became the standard street name for meth across the Gulf.
2. أَبُو هِلَالَيْن (Abū Hilālayn): “The Father of Two Crescents.” Street slang for Captagon pills, named after the two interlocking crescents stamped on the authentic tablets.
3. مُرَوِّج (murawwij): A dealer. From the verb رَوَّجَ (to promote/circulate).
4. صَارُوخ (ṣārūkh): Literally “Rocket”. Slang for a large marijuana joint.
5. كَبْس (kabs): Literally “pressing,” meaning a police raid.
6. تَعَاطِي (ta‘āṭī): The act of consuming drugs. An addict is a مُتَعَاطِي (muta‘āṭī).

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Translation of an article

Let’s look at parts of a longer newspaper article in Arabic. We will translate each sentence carefully. The highlighted words are in the vocabulary list below.

al-Akbhar: A Gulf Rivalry in Motion

On December 18, 2025, the Lebanese daily al‑Akhbar (الأخبار) published an in‑depth report examining the escalating tensions between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in Yemen and the Horn of Africa.

The article argues that Abu Dhabi’s expanding influence on the ground is reshaping regional power balances and exposing Riyadh’s declining ability to project force in its immediate neighborhood.

• The article was written by Luqman Abdullah (لقمان عبد الله), a Beirut‑based political analyst and regular contributor to al‑Akhbar. His work often focuses on Gulf politics, Yemen, and regional power struggles, reflecting the newspaper’s broader critical stance toward Saudi and Emirati foreign policy.
• al‑Akhbar (الأخبار) is a Beirut‑based Arabic newspaper founded in 2006. It is known for its investigative reporting, long‑form political analysis, and a left‑leaning editorial line that is often critical of Gulf monarchies, Western foreign policy, and neoliberal economic reforms. Note: The newspaper is widely perceived as sympathetic to what was branded the “Axis of Resistance” (Iran, Syria, Hezbollah), and its funding model combines advertising revenue with support from political networks aligned with this orientation.

This is a challenging text, rich in political terminology and high‑level media Arabic. Working through it will significantly strengthen your ability to read contemporary reporting on Gulf politics, military dynamics, and regional strategy.

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صراع الشقيقَتيْن المتعدّد الجبهات: الإمارات تتقدّم على السعودية

The Multi‑Front Conflict Between the Two Sister States: The UAE Pulls Ahead of Saudi Arabia

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Let’s now take a closer look at the entire article.

Section 1

لا يبدو أن التطورات في شرق اليمن ستكون الحلقة الأخيرة في مسلسل الصراع السعودي – الإماراتي، ليس داخل هذا البلد فحسب، بل على مستوى الإقليم بأسره. مع ذلك، يشير التوسّع الإماراتي في اليمن إلى أن أبو ظبي لم تعد تتعامل مع الرياض كشقيقة كبرى تخشى هيمنتها؛ وهو ما دلّ عليه تحرّكها في اللحظة السياسية الحرجة، انطلاقاً من اعتبارها أن قدرة السعودية على الحسم تراجعت بشكل واضح، وأن استثمار هذا الفراغ بسرعة قد يعيد رسم موازين القوى في الخليج لعقود قادمة.

(The) Developments in eastern Yemen do not appear to be the final chapter in the Saudi-Emirati conflict, not only within Yemen but across the entire region. However, the UAE’s expansion indicates that Abu Dhabi no longer treats Riyadh as a powerful rival (lit.: an “elder sister”) whose dominance it fears. This is evidenced by its actions at this critical political juncture, stemming from the assessment that Saudi Arabia’s decisive power has clearly declined and that exploiting this vacuum could reshape the Gulf’s balance of power for decades (to come).

وإذ كشفت أحداث حضرموت والمهرة عن جذور صراعِ نفوذ متراكم، بقي لسنوات يُدار في الظلّ، ويُغلّف بالتفاهمات المعلنة، فقد طُرحت تساؤلات عميقة حول حدود التراجع السعودي وانعكاساته على دور المملكة في اليمن، وما يحمله ذلك من تداعيات على مكانتها الإقليمية.

As the events in Hadramawt and al‑Mahra revealed the roots of a long‑accumulated struggle for influenc – managed in the shadows for years and wrapped in publicly announced understandings – profound questions have been raised about the limits of the Saudi retreat and its implications for the Kingdom’s role in Yemen, as well as the repercussions this may have for its regional standing.

فالخسائر المتراكمة للرياض، منذ الأشهر الأولى لـ«عاصفة الحزم»، لم تتوقّف عند إخفاقها في حسم المواجهة مع حركة «أنصار الله»، بل امتدّت لتشمل تراجعاً لافتاً أمام شريكتها الأساسية في «التحالف العربي»، في مسار يكاد يُخرِج المملكة من المشهد اليمني كفاعل ميداني مباشر، ويثير خشية من تآكل مُتدرّج لنفوذها ليس في اليمن وحده، بل في ساحات أخرى تُعدّ تقليدياً جزءاً من عمقها الاستراتيجي.

Riyadh’s accumulated losses since the early months of “Operation Decisive Storm” did not stop at its failure to settle the confrontation with the “Ansar Allah” (Houthi) movement. They extended to include a notable retreat in the face of its primary partner in the “Arab Coalition”, a trajectory that almost removes the Kingdom from the Yemeni scene as a direct field actor and stirs fears of a gradual erosion of its influence – not only in Yemen, but also in other arenas traditionally considered part of its strategic depth.

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Section 2

ذلك أن الصراع بين الجانبين لا يقتصر على اليمن، بل يمتدّ إلى مناطق أخرى في الإقليم، ومنها القرن الأفريقي، حيث تسعى الإمارات لتعزيز نفوذها الاستراتيجي على البحر الأحمر. وفي وقت تدعم فيه إثيوبيا في صراعها مع إريتريا بهدف ضمان وصول مباشر إلى الممرات البحرية الحيوية، تساعد قوات «الدعم السريع» في السودان لحسم المعركة ضد الجيش.

The conflict between the two sides is not limited to Yemen; it extends to other areas in the region, including the Horn of Africa, where the UAE seeks to strengthen its strategic influence over the Red Sea. At a time when it supports Ethiopia in its conflict with Eritrea in order to secure direct access to vital maritime routes, it is also assisting the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan to decisively settle the battle against the army.

كما تتسلّل عبر جمهورية أرض الصومال، مستثمرةً ميناء بربرة الاستراتيجي الذي يتيح لها التحكّم بطرق الملاحة الحيوية في خليج عدن والبحر الأحمر، وتُقدِّم أيضاً دعماً أمنياً محدوداً لتقوية القوات المحلية هناك.

It also slips in through the Republic of Somaliland, investing in the strategic port of Berbera, which enables it to control vital navigation routes in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, and it provides limited security support to strengthen the local forces there.

كذلك، تسيطر الإمارات على الجزر والموانئ اليمنية في الجنوب، توازياً مع تقويتها حضورها في الموانئ الحيوية على الجهة المقابلة من البحر الأحمر – في القرن الأفريقي -، ما يمنحها قدرة مزدوجة على التحكّم في ممرّات التجارة والملاحة الدولية.

Likewise, the UAE controls the Yemeni islands and ports in the south, in parallel with its strengthening of its presence in the vital ports on the opposite side of the Red Sea – in the Horn of Africa – which grants it a dual ability to control international trade and navigation routes.

ومع استمرار تكرُّس خارطة النفوذ تلك، بدا لافتاً، في الأيام الماضية، استقبال السعودية الرئيس الإريتري، أسياس أفورقي، ورئيس «مجلس السيادة» السوداني، عبد الفتاح البرهان، اللذين طلبا منها التدخّل في ملفات الأزمات في المنطقة، واحتواء النفوذ المتنامي لقوى أخرى، وهو ما يُبرِز محاولة الرياض استعادة دورها الإقليمي هناك.

As that map of influence continues to become entrenched, it was notable in recent days that Saudi Arabia received Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and the head of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan, both of whom asked it to intervene in the region’s crisis files and to contain the growing influence of other powers – something that highlights Riyadh’s attempt to regain its regional role there.

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Section 3

غير أن السعودية لا تمتلك سوى أدوات اقتصادية ودبلوماسية محدودة، وهي أقلّ قدرة على التأثير الميداني المباشر مقارنة بالإمارات، التي أسّست، من جهتها، وجوداً عملياً ملموساً على الأرض في كل من السودان وإريتريا وشرق أفريقيا.

Yet Saudi Arabia possesses only limited economic and diplomatic tools, and it is less capable of exerting direct influence on the ground compared to the UAE, which has, for its part, established a concrete, practical presence on the ground in Sudan, Eritrea, and East Africa.

وعبّر أفورقي، في مقابلة صحافية، عن ذلك التحوّل بقوله، إن أدواراً إقليمية لدول أخرى ـ في إشارة واضحة إلى الإمارات ـ باتت تسهم في تعقيد المشهد الإقليمي، سواء في ليبيا عبر نقل السلاح، أو في اليمن من خلال دعم مشاريع تقسيمية تهدّد وحدة الدولة وتفتح المجال أمام نفوذ خارجي متزايد.

In a press interview, Afwerki expressed this shift by saying that the regional roles of other countries – an unmistakable reference to the UAE – have begun to contribute to complicating the regional scene, whether in Libya through the transfer of weapons, or in Yemen by supporting divisive (separatist) projects that threaten the unity of the state and open the way for increasing external influence.

وأضاف أن نفوذ القوى الإقليمية الأصغر حجماً – عانياً الإمارات – شهد توسّعاً لافتاً في القرن الأفريقي وعبر البحر الأحمر، داعياً السعودية إلى إعادة تموضعها بما يتناسب مع ثقلها السياسي والاقتصادي العالمي

He added that the influence of smaller regional powers – meaning the UAE – has seen a notable expansion in the Horn of Africa and across the Red Sea, calling on Saudi Arabia to reposition itself in a way that corresponds to its global political and economic weight.

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Section 4

في هذا الوقت، يستمرّ التصعيد المتعدّد الأوجه في اليمن، على خلفية أحداث حضرموت والمهرة، ومن بين وجوهه إعلامياً؛ إذ شنّ الصحافي السعودي المقرّب من الديوان الملكي، عضوان الأحمري، هجوماً حاداً على «المجلس الانتقالي الجنوبي»، محذّراً من تداعيات توسيع الأخير نفوذه في المحافظات الشرقية، ولا سيما حضرموت والمهرة.

Meanwhile, the multifaceted escalation in Yemen continues against the backdrop of the events in Hadramawt and al‑Mahra. Among its manifestations on the media front, the Saudi journalist Adhwan al‑Ahmari – who is close to the Royal Court – launched a sharp attack on the Southern Transitional Council (STC), warning of the repercussions of the latter expanding its influence in the eastern governorates, especially Hadramawt and al‑Mahra.

وفي مقال نشره في موقع «إندبندنت» العربي، شدّد الأحمري على الأهمية الاستراتيجية لهاتين المحافظتين بالنسبة إلى الرياض، باعتبارهما عمقاً مباشراً للأمن السعودي، مؤكداً أن المملكة لن تسمح بعبث أيّ أطراف في ملف اليمن، في إشارة صريحة إلى رفض النفوذ الإماراتي هناك.

In an article published on the “Independent Arabia” website, al‑Ahmari stressed the strategic importance of these two governorates for Riyadh, considering them a direct depth of Saudi security. He affirmed that the Kingdom would not allow any parties to tamper with the Yemen file – an explicit reference to rejecting Emirati influence there.

غير أن هذا التصعيد الإعلامي، بحسب مراقبين، يعكس قلقاً سعودياً متزايداً، أكثر مما ينبئ بقدرة فعلية على تغيير موازين القوى، خصوصاً في ظل تعدّد التشكيلات العسكرية على حدود المملكة، وتحوّل بعضها إلى أدوات نفوذ وابتزاز لصالح قوى إقليمية ودولية؛ وهو سيناريو تحذّر منه الرياض لفظياً، فيما تتقدّم الوقائع الميدانية في اتجاه معاكس لرغبتها.

However, according to observers, this media escalation reflects increasing Saudi anxiety more than it indicates any real ability to alter the balance of power – especially given the multiplicity of military formations along the Kingdom’s borders, some of which have turned into instruments of influence and leverage for regional and international actors. It is a scenario that Riyadh warns against verbally, even as the facts on the ground continue to move in a direction opposite to its desires.

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Vocabulary list

All the words in the above article marked in color can be found in this table with explanations.

Part 1: Analysis of a headline

The following vocabulary list covers the yellow-marked words we saw in the headlines.

English	Arabic
مُدْمِنٌ	addict. Active participle (اِسْمُ فَاعِلٍ) of the IV-verb أَدْمَنَ – يُدْمِنُ (to be addicted to). It describes someone who persists in a habit. In text: «مُدْمِنٌ» يُطْلِقُ رَصَاصَةً (An “addict” fires a bullet). Other examples: Heavy smoker (مُدْمِنُ تَدْخِينٍ). He was a drug addict for years (كَانَ مُدْمِنَ مُخَدِّرَاتٍ لِسَنَوَاتٍ).
أَطْلَقَ – يُطْلِقُ	to fire; to release. IV-verb. Masdar: إِطْلَاقٌ. Usually used with رَصَاصَةً (bullet) or النَّارَ (fire). In text: يُطْلِقُ رَصَاصَةً (He fires a bullet). Other examples: To launch a project (أَطْلَقَ مَشْرُوعًا). The police fired warning shots (أَطْلَقَتِ الشُّرْطَةُ طَلَقَاتٍ تَحْذِيرِيَّةً).
رَصَاصَةٌ Pl: رَصَاصَاتٌ or رَصَاصٌ (collective)	bullet. Originally refers to lead (metal). In text: يُطْلِقُ رَصَاصَةً فِي رَأْسِ (He fires a bullet into the head). Other examples: Lead pencil (قَلَمُ رَصَاصٍ). He was hit by a stray bullet (أَصَابَتْهُ رَصَاصَةٌ طَائِشَةٌ).
أَعْلَى – عُلْيَا	supreme / highest. Comparative/Superlative/Elative (اِسْمُ تَفْضِيلٍ). Root: ع-ل-و. In the article, we have the feminine form, following the pattern فُعْلَى. In text: الْمَحْكَمَةُ الْعُلْيَا (The Supreme Court). Other examples: Highest authorities (السُّلُطَاتُ الْعُلْيَا). The Supreme Court’s decision is final (قَرَارُ الْمَحْكَمَةِ الْعُلْيَا نِهَائِيٌّ).
جانٍ pl: جُناةٌ	perpetrator. It is an active participle (اِسْمُ فَاعِلٍ) of the I-verb جَنَى – يَجْنِي (to commit a crime/to harvest). Root: ج-ن-ي. Plural Pattern: فُعَاةٌ (like قُضَاةٌ). In text: حُكْمٌ بِالْقَتْلِ لِجُنَاةٍ (A death sentence for perpetrators). Other examples: The harvest of effort (جَنَى ثِمَارَ جُهْدِهِ). The perpetrators must be punished (يَجِبُ مُعَاقَبَةُ الْجُنَاةِ). Watch out: جَانٍ is a defective noun (اِسْمٌ مَنْقُوصٌ); the ي returns with the definite article: الْجَانِي.

English	Arabic
انْتَهَكَ – يَنْتَهِكُ	to violate; to invade. VIII-verb. Masdar: اِنْتِهَاكٌ. It implies violating sanctity or privacy. In text: انْتَهَكُوا مَنْزِلًا (They invaded a home). Other examples: Violation of human rights (انْتِهَاكُ حُقُوقِ الْإِنْسَانِ). They violated the ceasefire (انْتَهَكُوا وَقْفَ إِطْلَاقِ النَّارِ).
مُتَعاطٍ	addict; consumer. Active participle (اِسْمُ فَاعِلٍ) of the VI-verb تَعَاطَى – يَتَعَاطَى (to take/consume/deal with). Root: ع-ط-و. In drug contexts, it specifically means a user. In text: «مُتَعَاطِي شَبُو» (A Shabu addict). Other examples: Dealing with politics (تَعَاطِي السِّيَاسَةِ). Drug user (مُتَعاطِي مُخَدِّراتٍ). He was arrested for drug use (اعْتُقِلَ بِسَبَبِ تَعَاطِي الْمُخَدِّرَاتِ). Watch out: This is a defective noun (مَنْقُوصٌ). In the article, the ي is kept because it’s in a construct state (إِضَافَةٌ).
شَبُو	Shabu (Crystal Meth). Loanword from Tagalog (shabú); spoken in the Philippines. It is a colloquial term (عَامِّيَّةٌ) widely used in Gulf media for (crystal) methamphetamine. In text: مُتَعَاطِي شَبُو (Shabu addict). Other example: Crystal meth (الْمِيثُ الْكِرِيسْتَالِيُّ).
أَيَّدَ – يُؤَيِّدُ	to upheld; to support. II-verb. Masdar: تَأْيِيدٌ. Root: أ-ي-د (strength). In text: الْمَحْكَمَةُ الْعُلْيَا أَيَّدَتْ حُكْمًا (The Supreme Court upheld a verdict). Other examples: He supporter a candidate (أَيَّدَ مُرَشَّحًا). Most members supported the proposal (أَيَّدَ مُعْظَمُ الْأَعْضَاءِ الِاقْتِرَاحَ).
حَدٌّ pl: حُدُودٌ	boundary; limit. In Islamic law, crimes with fixed punishments. In text: حُكْمٌ بِالْقَتْلِ حَدًّا (A death sentence as a ‘Hadd’ punishment). Other example: There is a limit to everything (لِكُلِّ شَيْءٍ حَدٌّ).

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Part 2: Translation of an article

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Footnotes

1. Source: Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith 233, Book 4, Ablutions, Chapter 66. Original Arabic text: حَدَّثَنَا سُلَيْمَانُ بْنُ حَرْبٍ، قَالَ حَدَّثَنَا حَمَّادُ بْنُ زَيْدٍ، عَنْ أَيُّوبَ، عَنْ أَبِي قِلاَبَةَ، عَنْ أَنَسٍ، قَالَ: قَدِمَ أُنَاسٌ مِنْ عُكْلٍ أَوْ عُرَيْنَةَ فَاجْتَوَوْا الْمَدِينَةَ، فَأَمَرَهُمُ النَّبِيُّ ﷺ بِلِقَاحٍ وَأَنْ يَشْرَبُوا مِنْ أَبْوَالِهَا وَأَلْبَانِهَا، فَانْطَلَقُوا فَلَمَّا صَحُّوا قَتَلُوا رَاعِيَ النَّبِيِّ ﷺ وَاسْتَاقُوا النَّعَمَ، فَجَاءَ الْخَبَرُ فِي أَوَّلِ النَّهَارِ فَبَعَثَ فِي آثَارِهِمْ، فَلَمَّا ارْتَفَعَ النَّهَارُ جِيءَ بِهِمْ فَأَمَرَ فَقَطَعَ أَيْدِيَهُمْ وَأَرْجُلَهُمْ وَسُمِرَتْ أَعْيُنُهُمْ، وَأُلْقُوا فِي الْحَرَّةِ يَسْتَسْقُونَ فَلاَ يُسْقَوْنَ. قَالَ أَبُو قِلاَبَةَ: فَهَؤُلاَءِ سَرَقُوا وَقَتَلُوا وَكَفَرُوا بَعْدَ إِيمَانِهِمْ وَحَارَبُوا اللَّهَ وَرَسُولَهُ. ↩︎

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Drißner, G. (2025, December 28). Saudi Death Penalty & Gulf Rivalry: Legal Vocab from Makkah and Yemen | Media Arabic Booster 12/25. Arabic for Nerds. https://arabic-for-nerds.com/learners-corner/media-arabic-booster/media-arabic-booster-12-25/

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Published: December 28, 2025

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Publication ISSN: 3055-1730